Futures of Learning

New Media Production

New Media Practices in China, Part 5: New Media Production

Due to the nature of China’s Internet development and because only recently have technologies like webcams, inexpensive video recorders, and software editing become widely available, new media production in China is a relatively new trend. For this reason, much of the information on user practices comes from the popular media, in particular Chinese blogs, video-sharing sites, and Internet forums where such media projects are circulated. When these either generate controversy or become a widespread phenomenon, as is sometimes the case, it is also possible to find news and commentaries in official media outlets, both Chinese and foreign.

The most common form of new media production in China is e’gao, a combination of the words “evil” and “to make fun of” that now signifies a multimedia expression that pokes fun at an original work (Jiao, 2007). The term has its roots in Japanese kuso, a subculture associated with both gaming and satire. In China, e’gao is closely linked to tech-savvy, digital youth and has become hugely popular: a search with the word in Chinese Google brings up over 12,000,000 hits. Over the past few years e’gao has become an umbrella term used to cover an array of practices including photo-shopping images, creating lip synching videos or parodies of famous films, and imitating celebrities in a humorous way. While some view e’gao as having no agenda or logic, others see in these types of productions small forms of protest against the cultural and political establishment, as a few examples below will illustrate.

Photo-shopping images and circulating them on the Internet is most closely associated with “Little Fatty” (Xiao Pang), a Shanghai teenager (real name Qian Zhijun) whose photo was snapped by someone during a training at a gas station and then uploaded to the Internet in 2003. His round face with his slightly hesitant sideways glance somehow captured the imagination of a slew of photo-shoppers, and his image was soon replacing the visage of everyone from the Mona Lisa to Jackie Chan to Johnny Depp, as in the image above (in English, see http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/the-new-cultural-revolution-how-little-fatty-made-it-big-424469.html; in Chinese with images, see (http://www.gs.xinhuanet.com/jiaodianwt/2004-05/20/content_2160773.htm). Explanations for why Little Fatty’s face generated such a craze abound, but perhaps most interesting is how the phenomenon demonstrates a newfound means of creative expression and satire in China. It also reveals new channels for stardom and success: apparently as a result of his Internet fame Little Fatty garnered a movie deal with New Line Cinema, to star – most appropriately – in a film based on a popular online novel (http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2007-07/03/content_908628.htm). 

Perhaps the most famous e’gao video production is Hu Ge’s “The Bloody Case Caused by a Steamed Bun,” (Yige Mantou Yinfa de Xue’an). The 20-minute film, widely available on YouTube and Chinese video-sharing sites such as Tudou, is a parody of Chen Kaige’s 2005 The Promise, one of the most expensive films ever made in China at 350 million yuan (US $4.2 million), and one that was largely panned by critics and the public alike. In contrast, Hu’s video cost virtually nothing and soon became a viral sensation. As noted by the Shanghai Daily (an official English publication) in an article titled, “Director Gets his Nose Properly Rubbed in it,” Hu’s film was not “just a victory of grassroots wisdom over a film guru’s mediocrity. It’s the hallmark of a new era in China, when small potatoes are free to satire public figures in a way that’s short of actual malice…. it has won the hearts of tens of millions of netizens, who share its author’s joy in undoing that pompous film” (http://www.shanghaidaily.com/art_print/242736.htm). The short film gained even more notoriety when Chen Kaige decided to sue Hu Ge for copyright violation. When online forums exploded with commentary and support for Hu, the case was eventually dropped.

In the wake of Hu’s success, several other grassroots artists have gone viral, most notably the Backdorm Boys (Houshe Nansheng), two art students from Guangzhou whose lip-synching and face-making catapulted them first into fame as viral stars and now as celebrities with a multi-year contract. As Meng (forthcoming) states, e’gao is a significant form of cultural expression in China because as a decentralized form of communication, it challenges both “the established mechanisms of media production and distribution as well as the officially sanctioned norms of media content in China.” She further notes that its carnivalesque and iconoclastic attitude towards “mainstream” and “officialdom” are a means for ordinary Chinese to express criticism and dissatisfaction in a media environment that is heavily censored. Well aware of this side of the e’gao phenomenon, the Chinese government has taken steps to control its dissemination. For example, in 2007 the government declared that all music that was changed from its original form first had to be submitted for approval before being uploaded. In 2008, new regulations limited the broadcasting of videos to websites of state-controlled companies. How rigorously enforced these laws are is not entirely clear.

While most e’gao videos are only indirectly political, images containing visual mashups with political meanings have also become a trend. One example, shown below, is the “river crab wearing three watches,” which appeared in 2007 in the Chinese blogosphere. Because the current Chinese government has enacted a variety of policies and made numerous public announcements regarding the need to build a “harmonious society” (hexie shehui), when blog or Internet forum posts containing “sensitive” material are deleted by censors or when a website is blocked, it is common for the one censored to say he or she has been “harmonized.” As MacKinnon (2007) notes, the river crab meme emerged as a play on the Chinese words for “harmony” and “river crab,” both homophones that use different Chinese characters. Because the word for harmony or harmonious is so frequently used sarcastically online, it is often censored, and thus those who are discussing censorship use the characters for river crab. Because a well-known political blogger, Wang Xiaofeng, writes under the name Dai sange biao, or “wear three watches,” itself a play on the government policy of the “three represents,” eventually someone photo-shopped a crab wearing three watches:

Regardless of whether it has a political content and despite its popularity, e’gao, like many practices in the realm of Chinese cyberspace, has not necessarily been wholeheartedly embraced by the general public. Its irreverent humor and “nothing’s sacred” attitude have generated concerns that it degrades the common culture. As with online gaming, youth have been viewed as especially vulnerable to its corrupting influence. In addition, issues regarding copyright and intellectual property have also raised, as with the Hu Ge case. Nonetheless, the e’gao phenomenon shows no signs of abating and it and the range of production practices associated with it are likely to continue as a vehicle for creative expression and counter-hegemonic voices.

References

Jiao, W. (2007, January 22). E’gao: Popular art criticism or just plain evil?” China Daily.

MacKinnon, R. (2007, September 12). “Eating ‘river crab’ at the harmonious forum. Retrieved November 22, 2008, from http://rconversation.blogs.com/rconversation/2007/09/eating-river-cr.html.

Meng, B. (forthcoming). Regulating egao: Futile efforts of recentralization. In X. Zhang and Y. Zheng (eds.), China’s information and communications technology revolution: Social changes and state responses. New York: Routledge.

New Media Practices in Korea: Part 4. New Media Production

In 2001, a series of high school girls’ eccentric romance story, That Bastard was Cool (Geu Nomeun Meosisseosda), sparked teenage readers to flock into Daum Internet café. It was the beginning of Internet novel syndrome. The phenomenal success of this idiosyncratic and unconventional novel establishes its author, a sixteen-year-old high school girl whose Internet ID and penname were Gwiyoni (which literally means ‘Cute One’), as the icon of youth Internet culture. That Bastard was Cool scored 8 million views online, sold 500,000 copies when published as a print book later, and eventually was made into a movie in 2004. Its popularity even crossed the border to nearby Asian countries including Japan, China, Taiwan, and Thailand where the popularity of the Korean Wave was surging to its peak. Gwiyoni herself joined the so-called league of ‘Korean Wave Stars’ who enjoyed widespread fandom overseas. Following up That Bastard was Cool, Gwiyoni published five more Internet novels until 2006. Most of her novels have been adapted to movies that target the teenage girl market by starring popular young actors: Seduction of Wolf (Neukdaeui Yuhok; English movie title: Romance of Their Own) and That Bastard was Cool (English movie title: The Guy) in 2004, Doremipasolasido in 2008, and To You currently under production.

The popularity of Gwiyoni’s short, comical, lighthearted, episodic stories about everyday school life and teenage romance not only shook the professional literature community but also the popular media. In fact, Gwiyoni syndrome did not come out of the blue. Before WWW was introduced to Korea, several pre-internet novels, with similar styles and subjects, attracted young readers to a cyber space that was running on Telnet system (PC Tongsin in Korean) in the early 1990s. Gwiyoni syndrome brought out this underground youth subculture, particularly girls’ subculture, to the surface of public discourse (Kim & Kim, 2004).

Most of all, Gwiyoni’s novels were severely criticized and frowned upon by adults due to her constant usage of informal and colloquial languages, internet idioms, foul expression, and emoticons – all in violation of traditional language structure. However, Gwiyoni’s violation of the linguistic code was not new but familiar to young people. Gwiyoni Syndrome is significant in that it represents the migration/expansion of youth linguistic code that young people constantly create and share with their peers through SMS of mobile phone and Internet chats in their everyday life (Choi, 2003). This trend of sharing new linguistic codes within their intimate networks dates back to the popularity of Tongsin Eoneo (Internet Communication Idioms) in the times of beepers and early Internet community. While Gwiyoni’s informal use of language mostly consists of Tongsin Eoneo, there is also a popular trend of using more radical and broken form of language, which is called Oegyeeo (Alien Words). The creation of and the sharing of Oegyeeo tend to be exclusively limited to young people’s intimate networks (mostly, early teens) or special online communities such as ‘Teusumunja Manddang’ (Special Words Heaven, Daum), which has more than 1 million members. The level of deconstruction for Oegyeeo, which dissects and fabricates a grammatical system while mix-and-matches foreign words, is so radical that ordinary Koreans cannot understand or decipher their meaning (Yoo, 2003). In this sense, Choi argues that the Gwiyoni syndrome illustrates the broader changes in culture, from “Print literature based” to “Electronic literature based,” (Cho, 2007) and the advent of a new form of youth digital storytelling.

In a broader context, Internet novel syndrome signaled the expansion of girl’s participatory fandom culture in online space, which already existed before Internet in the form of fanzine (fan magazine) and/or fan art. Right before Gwiyoni syndrome, writing and sharing fanfics (fan fictions) about pop stars (mostly male idol stars) emerged highly visible activities across Internet fan cafes. Daum alone hosted around 9241 fanfic cafes and the largest one had over 300,000 members in 2003. Just like the Gwiyoni syndrome, girls’ fanfic writing also came under public scrutiny, but for a different reason. In 2000, the Ministry of Information and Telecommunication introduced new online content rating system for youth protection and fanfics, which often contain the story about homosexual relationship, were selected as harmful contents to censor. As fangirls organized online protests against contents censorship through Internet cafés, girls’ writing culture suddenly emerged as a hot topic in popular media (Jo & Kim, 2005). These examples demonstrate how Internet provides an alternative space and effective tools for Korean girls to create “communities of fantasy”; those in constant struggle with cultural authorities (Kim & Kim, 2004).

As image producing technologies - such as digital camera, mobile phone camera, and editing softwares/applications - became widely available, literary form of youth play was replaced by various multimedia productions. Creating and circulating fun content such as parody pictures, often with political satire, emerged as a representative of online play culture. Two notable examples are Yeopgi Syndrome and JJang syndrome. Originally, the term Yeopgi referred only to ‘weird, uncanny, pervert or frightening phenomena’, but the term now indicates all weirdly funny things and operates as a code of light humor among Korean youth since 2000. All sorts of media contents – pictures, video clips, and literatures – with the Yeopgi code populated online space, feeding young people’s insatiable appetite for unique fun: certain internet cafes such as ‘DC inside’ acquired new reputation for their famous Yeopgi contents. The other example is the Jjang (the best) syndrome, which involves online voting by netizens on uploaded self-photos, which often becomes a “gateway towards stardom”(Choi, 2006). Various types of jjangs, such as uljjang (person with the best face) and mom- jjang (person with the best physique), have become “catchphrases in society, entertainment business and other areas” in contemporary Korea (Choi, 2006: 180).

Recently, various forms of contents produced by netizens are touted in the name of UCC (User Created Contents). In most cases, UCC refers to shared video contents in online space. As major portals open special services for UCC, following on the successful models of UCC sites like Pandora TV, it became a hot item in current mediaspace in Korea. Initially, UCC fever is largely based on the prevalent and notorious P2P file sharing culture. In the past, free/illegal downloading and repurposing were adopted as alternative tactics to share commercially unavailable contents due to limited access to foreign media contents and/or inefficient distribution systems. While media industry is slowly shaping new business models to counteract this practice, the active reappropriation and consumption of popular cultural contents from overseas (particularly, Japanese pop music/TV drama/animation) in the form of UCC is still widespread. For example, young Korean fans’ various fandom activities around trans-Asian television drama contents form a significant part of UCC sites (Kim & Lee, 2005).

Researches show that women, especially female college students, are more active in producing and consuming UCC (Yim, 2008). It is noted that the central motivation to create and share UCC is ‘self-expression’ and ‘getting recognition from others’ (Sung & Lee, 2007). Still, 90 percent of UCC is repurposed works out of existing media contents. In this sense, the significance of UCC culture lies more in that it represents the decentralized mode of media distribution (Jeon, 2008). This aspect of UCC, as a potentially democratic media form, becomes more apparent when it serves a journalistic purpose. Indeed, the social implication of UCC, as an emerging form of journalism to monitor and engage both macro and micro-level social issues, is one of the widely discussed topics in Korea (Kim, 2008; Kang, 2007; Lee & Kim, 2007). During the 2006 presidential election campaign, UCC appeared as the preferred tool for expressing political views, especially among college students (Ban & Kim, 2007).

However, as the cultural influence of UCC is increasing, the debate over its legitimacy as a viable media form is also intensifying. Various issues, such as policies and regulations on UCC for youth protection and legal copyrights, are still unresolved. It has become a daily battle between the major portals who regularly monitor illegal ripping of media contents, media producers who seek for additional profits through ‘one-content-multi-use’ strategies, and bloggers who want to repurpose these media contents. In the end, although debates about whether these syndromes actually reflect young people’s productive use of new media technology still continue, these various forms of syndromes demonstrate that young peoples’ reappropriation of media contents with their newly acquired technological mastery have become a predominant practice in Korean online space.

References

English Sources

Choi, J. (2006). Living in Cyworld: Contextualizing Cy-ties in South Korea. In A. Bruns & J. Jacobs (Eds.), Uses of Blogs. (pp. 173-186). New York: Peter Lang.

Korean Sources

Ban, H., & Kim, S. J. (2007).  Dongyongsang UCC yiyongwa Jeongchi Hengtee gwanhan Yeongu: Dehaksengdeuleui UCC yiyonggwa Jeongchi News Yiyongeul Jungsimeuro (A Study of Relationship between UCC Usage and Political Behavior: Focus on College Student Voters` Usage of UCC and Political News). Cyber Communication Studies, 22(0), 123-166.

Cho, H. (2007). Munja Munhakeseo Jeonja Munhakeuro (From Print Literature to Electronic Literature). Seoul, Korea: Hangil Publisher.

Choi, M. (2003). N-sedewa Internet soseuleui Nolli -Gwiyeonieui Soseuleul Jungsimeuro (N-Generation and the Logic of Internet Novels - Centering on Gwiyeoni’s Novels). Public Narrative Studies, 10, 34-63.

Jeon, G. (2008). Cybergongganeui Seroun Sotong, UCC: Dongyeongsang UCCeui Textjeok Teukjinggwa Munhwajeok Hameuieh gwanhan Yeongu (A Study on the Textuality and the Cultural Implications of Video UCC). Cyber Communication Studies, 25(2), 337-370.

Jo, H., & Kim, J. (2005). Cheongsonyeun Mania Munhwaeui Siltewa Jeongchekgwaje (Present of Youth Fandom Culture and Policy Issues). Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Kang, J. (2007). UCC Yeongsang Munhwaeui Hameuiwa Munjejeom Yeongu: Simcheung Interviewreul Yiyonghan Dehaksengui Insiksarereul Jungsimeuro (Study on Meanings and Issues Related to UCC Visual Culture: Cognition Case Study by depth Interview with University Students). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 21(6), 9-43.

Kim, H., & Kim, M. (2004). Fapiceui Sengsangwa Sobireul Tonghe bon Sonyeodeuleui Seong Fantasywa Jeongchijeok Hameui (A Fantasy of Fanfic and the Politics). Korea Journalism Studies, 48(3), 330-478.

Kim, H., & Lee, C. (2007). Cyber J-Dorama: Internetsangui Ilbondrama Sobijuchewa Yutongui Mechanism (Cyber J-Dorama: Agencies and Mechanism of the Consumption and Distribution of Japanese Drama in Online Space). In Cho H.J. et al (Eds.), Internet and Asian Cultural Studies. Seoul, Korea: Yonsei University Press.

Kim, S. (2008). Cybergongganeui Seroun Sotong, UCC: UCC Journalismeui Yironjeok Gochal (Theoretical Analysis of the UCC Journalism). Cyber Communication Studies, 25(2), 221-262

Lee, K., & Kim, M. (2007). “Chamyeojeok Model"roseoui “Performance hak” sigakeuro bon UCC (A Cultural Study of UCC (User Created Contents) from the Perspective of Performance Studies As a “Participatory Model"). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 21(4), 217-254.

Sung, M. H., & Lee, I. H. (2007). Dongyeongsang UCCeui Yiyong dongiwa Manjoke gwanhan Tamsekjeok Yeongu (Uses and Gratifications of User-Created Contents: Expressing Self with Self-Produced Video Clips). Korea Association for Communication and Information Studies Journal, 40(0), 45-80.

Yim, J. (2008). Yeoja Daehaksengeui UCC sobiwa Sengsangeul Tonghe bon Suyongja Neungdongseonge gwanhan Yeongu (Reconceptualizing Audience Activities: Female College Students` UGC Consumption and Production). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 22(4), 320-354

Yoo, H. (2003 10). We don’t want to play with you. Hankyoreh 21,478.

New Media Practices in Brazil, Part III: New Media Production

Gilberto Gil Image by Joi Ito, http://blog.ito.com/dmp/in-japanese-gilberto-gils-talk-at-google-zeitgeist-google-zeitgeist.html

From music, food and dance to religion, architecture and the particular form of Portuguese spoken by Brazilians, Brazilian culture is often characterized by its ethos of mixture and creolization. While poverty rates, class and racial divisions suggest that the country is a long way off from attaining the aspirations articulated in the wider public discourse, the stress on culture, creativity and, most recently, the values of remix culture represents one of the unique features of the new media landscape in Brazil (Bar, personal communication). Indeed, there has been a huge effort from the government to push digital remix culture thanks in no small measure to Gilberto Gil.

Gilberto Gil, Brazil’s Minister of Culture from 2003 to 2008, virtually embodies this spirit of remix. Originally from Salvador in the Northeastern regions of Brazil, Gil rose to prominence in the 1960s for his politically inspired songs and activism which led to his exile in London for three years (1969-1972) during the reign of Brazil’s military regime. After returning to Brazil, Gil continued to create and perform music (he is often attributed with introducing reggae to Brazil) and promote Afro-Brazilian cultural forms in carnival (the Afro-Brazilian afoxé tradition). In the late 1980s, Gil was elected into government in the state of Bahia and in 2003 President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva appointed Gil as Brazil’s new Minister of Culture. Noteably, Gil was only the second black person appointed a member of the nation’s cabinet. Almost immediately after being appointed Gil established a relationship with Creative Commons and began working towards making music available for free in digital formats. Under the leadership of Gilberto Gil, The Brazilian Ministry of Culture has been using its DPIs to create a network of free software multimedia studios to support free cultural transmission (Ferraro, Bria and Persico n.d., Kenny 2005). One of the foci of the Pontos de Cultura (Points of Culture) is to create an archive of Brazilian music, which will be stored in digital form and governed by a license inspired by free software’s GPL.

In today’s blog post, I will focus upon new media production (especially videos) in online spaces. I will then turn to new media production activities and the ways in which the integration of new media into these programs are utilized to address issues of inequity, literacy, violence and crime among Brazilian youth.

New Media Production Online

Video-sharing sites are prominent in Brazil. In July of 2008, comScore (2008) estimated that there were 11.5 million visitors to YouTube, 8.3 million visits to Globos Videos, 1.5 million visitors to MSN Video, 1.1 million videos to StartVG.com and 756, 000 visitors to WeShow.com. While the more traditional media outlets such as Globo Media, Abril and Grupo Folha have historically played a role in the dissemination of music, film and other cultural forms, sites like Overmundo (see blog post on internet practices) continue (SIG-III 2007). 

In terms of content, Brazil’s new media production resembles what occurs in the United States (see Lange and Ito Forthcoming), India and China. Viral videos range from commercials, old clips of popular television shows such as Big Brother Brazil, telenovelas and comedy to ones that celebrate Brazilian culture. For example, there are a number of films focusing upon great moments in Brazilian football and football legends such as Pele or Ronaldinho:

Ronaldhinho Movie

There are examples of capoeira, the martial arts form historically practiced by Afro-Brazilians. In some cases these are movie clips of capoeira practioners in films competing against other forms of martial arts, the commentary often focusing upon the relative merits (and often the dominance) of Brazilian capoeira. In other cases, these videos are celebrations of particularly skillful individuals, such as this remix of Brazilian dancer bboy performing capoeira:

Bboy Aranha - Watch the best video clips here.

Bboy Aranha

There are also examples of random individuals messing around in front of a camera, such as this video of a woman dancing Brazilian-style:

Gatinha Gostosa Pernão Sarado Brasileira Dançando Funk - The best bloopers are here

Gatinha Gostosa Pernão Sarado Brasileira Dançando Funk

In addition to online videos posted by ordinary Brazilians, there has been a concerted effort to make Brazilian culture more prominent online or, to use one of Gilberto Gil’s phrases, to “tropicalise” the internet. For instance, the Canto Livre project was designed for the archival and circulation of “free music” made in Brazil, for Brazilians (and the world) to remix and re-create. Another focus is to work with groups active in the areas of music or video, indigenous crafts or capoeira, graffiti and circus, which will be equipped with multimedia hardware, free software and a budget in order to produce, document and freely share with the world their cultural expressions (see Wizards of Oz 2005).
While music and videos celebrating the creativity and culture of Brazil may originate in Brazil, it is also clear that non-Brazilians are generating commentary and adaptation of Brazilian cultural forms. One example are the range of videos (and commentary) teaching and demonstrating capoeira, a practice that has gained in popularity internationally alongside karate. We also see the localization of content, such as the remix and translation of Anime Music Videos into Portuguese:

Naruto AMV Brasil

From the viral circulation of new media productions on sites like Orkut where local networks are reinforced to more open spaces like YouTube where, in conjunction with recommendation systems, the content helps to determine modes of engagement, Brazilian’s engagement with new media production online reflects and continues to create further opportunities for transnational cultural flows.

New Media Production Programs for Youth

While the traffic in new media is widespread, a range of NGOs and other governmental organizations have prioritized new media programs that focus upon issues of access and equity for youth, particularly disenfranchised youth. Although government initiatives such as Proinfo are directed towards improving access in schools, 2005 estimates suggest that only 16.7% of schools had access to the internet (2www.pnud.org.br). In October 2007, the Ministry of Education executed a bid for the acquisition of 90,000 computers with Debian GNU/Linux 4 pre-installed as well as wireless cards, wireless routers and laser printers, to be installed at 9,000 schools, at least 3,000 of them in rural areas (http://times.debian.net/1189).

Alongside access, much of the academic literature focuses on the impact of the introduction and use of computers in schools (Braga 2007a; de Fatima D’Assumpcao Castro and Alves 2007; Sorj and Remold 2005), how to create effective digital learning environments (Blikstein and Cavallo 2003; Franco and Deus Lopez 2005) and how these contribute to the overall aim of creating a Brazilian Information Society (Jorente 2008). A dominant education portal is EduKBR, which was conceived as a virtual internet community to enhance the quality of education through access to online information, activities, cooperative projects communication/interaction tools in Portuguese. The site is set up for use by schools, youth and their parents and education professionals (Lucena 2002, 2001). Similarly the School of the Future is an interdisciplinary, self-sustaining research laboratory of the University of Sao Paulo, which has developed a series of research and development projects to explore the potentials of new information technologies to advance learning (Litto 2006). The projects include a focus on virtual learning communities for primary and secondary schools, the creation of multimedia digital libraries on the web, principally for humanistic learning; the production of learning objects, and their appropriate repositories, for science education at all levels of study; the creation and development of public-access telecentres in low-income neighborhoods, featuring web-based mini-courses; the furnishing of useful information on interfacing with government agencies to a sector of the population normally inexperienced with citizen’s rights, and weekly online surveys to determine the information needs and practices and opinions in general of this heretofore “excluded” segment; and the development of a community of chief information officers of Brazilian and Latin American institutions of higher learning so as to foster the exchange of experiences and the formation of regional partnerships. In these efforts, the general concern is with creating a digital media literacy (Braga 2007b; Fatin and Girardello 2008) that will help students become global citizens (Lima and Brown 2007) and experiment in a safe environment (Cavallo and Couch n.d.).

In addition to providing access and new environments for learning in schools, there are a number of initiatives that provide a space for youth, often from marginalized areas, to engage with digital media technologies. Rather than just being about tinkering with technologies per se, these initiatives have several objectives: providing a safe space to keep children of the streets and out of gangs, providing them with access to technology and thereby bridging the digital divide, and giving them ICT skills that might ultimately lead to better employment prospects. The best known initiative is the Committee for Democracy in Information Technology (CDI) http://www.cdi.org.br, a non-governmental, non-profit organization with the broader mission of promoting the social inclusion of low-income communities by using Information and Communication Technologies as tools for building and exercising citizens rights. In the program, students learn how to use computers and software while discussing issues of particular interest to their community, such as human rights, environment, sexual education, health and non-violence. It is also aimed at filling at vacuum in public education.Another initiative is the Kidlink House (KHouse) Internet centres, which serve students at local schools, street kids, youth in a local community, and indigenous kids. KHouse goals include keeping kids off the street, motivating street kids to return to school, promoting literacy, supporting kids through difficult times, and giving youth more control over their lives. The first KHouse was opened in March 1996, in the RioData Centro of PUC-RJ, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (http://www.kidlink.org/english/general/history.html).

Although authoritative figures are difficult to locate, about 80% of the world’s computer hackers are thought to operate from Brazil (Red Orbit 2005) and 60 to 70 per cent of the software and hardware available in Brazil are thought to be pirated. Estimates suggest that 80 percent of computer crimes are committed by teens, HackerTeen was created to provide online training in computer skills that students can access remotely. An attempt to channel the so-called negative use of their skills into more positive outlets, participants in this program are presented with materials in the form of comic books, with work plans described as “missions” that teens must complete using the skills they have learned. Designed as a form of edutainment, the program integrates a belt system like Karate - from white-belt beginner to black-belt advanced - to measure training progress. According to the program, 78 per cent of the young people who have earned black belts have found employment in the Brazilian IT job market (http://www.hackerteen.com/pt-br). Similarly, Vamos blogar (http://blogar.org), a literacy curriculum based on multimedia weblogs for street children in Rio de Janeiro, was established by Saori Fotenos as part of the Reuters Digital Vision program at Stanford University. It works in partnership with local NGO Projeto Uerê at an alternative school in Rio (http://projetouere.blogspot.com/) and targets lack of self-esteem and employability skills amongst this at-risk population. The project is designed to build competencies around self-generated content for motivation. It also provides kids with something to do, gives them jobs off the streets and out of illicit trades (http://rdvp.org/fellows/2005-2006/saori-fotenos/).

Other programs include:

City of Knowledge digital media project led by Gilson Schwartz at the University of Sao Paulo (Schwartz 2008).

The Amplifying Voices after school program (Fotenos and Rohatgi 2007)

The MobileED platform developed by the media lab at the University of Art and Design in Helsinki in collaboration with the Meraka Institute in South Africa, has pilot projects in Brazil (Kuner and Vosloo 2007).

Conclusion: The Value of Culture and Creativity

One of the unique facets of Brazil’s stance towards the internet and new media has been its continued encouragement of creativity and the expression and development of Brazilian culture. Brazil is also a heavy user and promoter of open source software, predominantly Linux, which is used by governments, universities and even supermarkets (Red Orbit 2005). Coupled with the Brazilian government’s sociopolitical stance on the virtues of open source software for the creation of social and digital inclusion, the affordability of Linux and the use of recycled and refurbished computers provides an important motivation for the use of free software. As Marcelo D’Elia Branco, coordinator of Projeto Software Livre Brasil, states, “information technology and Brazilians were a perfect marriage. Brazilians historically were interested in innovation, but they didn’t have good schools or universities, so they depended on their own creativity. The Internet is all about this kind of grass-roots creativity” (Red Orbit 2005). Indeed, when Lawrence Lessig’s visited the 2005 World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, he saw tents where young people (not only Brazilians) learned how to use open-source media editing software and then making their own media productions (Lessig 2005). Such examples demonstrate the promise of Brazil’s innovative and, at times, radical perspective on the value of culture and creativity central to new media production.

References:

Blikstein, Paolo and David Cavallo. 2003. “God Hides in the Details: Design and Implementation of technology-enabled learning environments in public education.” Proceedings of Eurologo 2003 Conference

Braga, Denise Bertoli. 2007a. “Lack of access to new media and digital technologies and complexities of collective sharing of software and computers.” Language and Education 21 (3): xx.

Braga, Denise Bertoli. 2007b. “Developing Critical Social Awareness through Digital Literacy Practices within the Context of Higher Education in Brazil.” Language and Education 21 (3): 180-196.

Cavallo, Alice and Couch, Alicia n.d. “Virtual Forum Theater - a computer supported collaborative learning environment for underpriviledged children.”

Department for International Development n.d. The Development Challenge for Brazil. http://www.dfid.gov.uk/pubs/files/brazildevchallenge.pdf, Accessed January 26, 2009.

comScore. 2008. Brazilians’ Engagement with Online Multimedia Content Impeded By Lack of Home Broadband Penetration. September 17, 2008

Fantin, M and G Girardello. 2008. “Digital Literacy and Cultural Mediations to the Digital Divide.” In Selected Readings on Global Information Technology. Hakikur Rahman (ed.) Idea Group

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New Media Practices in Japan Part IV: New Media Production

The growth of mobile media and Internet use and the spread of digital media production tools has led to a variety of new media production practices in Japan. Here we focus on new media production that has grown out of the distinctive mobile media and communication practices of Japan - digital photography and keitai novels. We also touch on digital video production and media literacy programs that have received attention from the research community. 

Digital Photography

As digital photography, mobile communications, and social media have become pervasive in Japanese culture, new media production and sharing has become integral part of everyday self-expression and communication. In the past decade, Japan has seen a phenomenal growth in digital media creation that grows out of casual, social forms of media creation and sharing.

Photo by Joko and Norifumi

For example, when camera phones started to become popular in Japan in the early 2000s, we saw a growth in new forms of amateur photography. As Daisuke Okabe and Mizuko Ito (2006) note, keitai photos are taken of more everyday, low-key scenes and events in contrast to the special events and commemorations that characterized traditional amateur photography. They categorize keitai photos into the genres of personal archiving, visual sharing, and news sharing. The latter two categories are particularly distinctive in that they are embedded in keitai social communication, visual media that are captured in order to share in immediate and lightweight ways with friends and family. Norifumi Arimoto and Daisuke Okabe (2008) argue that keitai cameras have changed certain structures of desire for their users. In the past, when encountering something visually interesting in the environment, people didn’t have a desire to share this visual information with others. They argue that this new kind of desire is something that grew out of the intersection between a new technology and emerging social practices, leading to the growth of a new kind of amateur photo journalistic tendency.

Another form of portable, digital photography that has received some research attention are “print club” (purikura) sticker photos that are taken in photo booths when teens get together. These photos are generally taken as couples or in groups, and then mod them with “graffiti” and print them out on sticker sheets that are shared among friends. The photos can also be sent to mobile phones. They first became popular in the late nineties, and now are a taken-for-granted element of the social landscape for teenage girls. Laura Miller (2005) has studied purikura as a unique expressive and linguistic form that pushes back on dominant notions of Japanese femininity and cuteness. She describes how girls will take and annotate photos to be deliberately grotesque and crass, performing a kind of gender parody. Other researchers have examined how purikura function as a communication tool, making visible social networks of friendships (Kurita 1999; Okabe 2008; Okabe et al. 2009). By exchanging purikura photos and displaying them in elaborately designed purikura albums, teenage girls display their identity, social status, friendships, and taste in ways that are visible to their peers (Okabe 2008; Okabe et al. 2009).

Purikura Album
Photo by Kunikazu

Keitai Novels

In addition to photography, mobile media has also supported new forms of writing and literature. As described in the earlier post on Internet practices, young people began developing “mail magazine” (merumaga), email lists that functioned as personal zines shared over mobile email. This practice of sharing news, musings, and other kinds of information in short bursts over keitai email has evolved over the years into a new genre of literature, the keitai novel. The keitai novel, like merumaga are stories written in installments on a mobile phone and generally ready on a mobile phone, though they can be accessed via PC as well. The past few years has seen this genre become wildly popular in Japan, and the most popular of these novels have been published as print publications as well. In 2007, the three bestselling novels in Japan were keitai novels.

Most writers of keitai novels are teenage girls, mostly from the provinces, with no professional writing experience. They are written in an informal style as if they are writing mobile email. Yumiko Sugiura (2008) has suggested that keitai content sites, like those hosting keitai novels, represent a kind of “writing as consumption” that is different from the traditional mode of “reading as consumption.” Keitai users are writing novels in an informal, amateur mode, as if they are updating an online journal or blog. Rather than simply consuming the writings of professionals, these amateurs have the sense that their own writing could also have value to others.

Keitai novels often have sudden plot twists, are often difficult to follow, and usually include a predictable pattern of dramatic incidents of rape, pregnancy and suicide attempts. Can these works really be considered novels and literature? Chiaki Ishihara (2008) argues that this debate over whether these novels are literature or not is meaningless. She notes that those who don’t recognize these amateur works are and who only recognize traditional literature as true novels are just basing their opinion on their personal tastes. She feels that these keitai works represent a new genre of novel. Satoshi Hamano (2008) expresses a similar view. His view is that those who look down on keitai novels as unoriginal and formulaic are themselves unoriginal, failing to recognize the unique contexts and conventions of the new genre. Viewed from the point of view of keitai literacy, these new novels have a reality and value that is embedded in shared culture of keitai-connected youth.

DIY Video

19 year-old anime fan dancing to the Suzumiya Haruhi theme song

Sites such as YouTube and Nico Video have become popular in Japan as places to share and access commercial video as well as amateur works of various kinds. Much of this video mirrors the kind of sharing and DIY video that we have seen in the US, but there are also some video genres that are unique. For example, the Japanese scene has a genre of videos known as “MADs,” which are similar to the anime music videos that are popular in the overseas fandom of anime. MADs are a broader genre of video making, however, and can include parodies of live action, as well as videos such as that featured above, of a fan dancing to an anime theme song. One particularly popular source for fan made videos has been the character Hatsune Miku, a character that was designed for a software package to create J-pop songs. Videos featuring Miku became hugely popular on Nico Video, becoming a focal point for online communities of video and music creators. Kaoru Endo (2004) has described the creative communities of online video makers as “creative mobs.” As described in an earlier post, these communities will occasionally organize “flash meetings” in real life.

One example of a flash meeting is the gathering of anime fans in Akihabara and other locations, where they got together to dance the Haruhi theme song, uploading these videos onto YouTube. Kaname Tanimura (2008) has studied the cultural significance of these fans of Suzumiya Haruhi. Rather than being a momentary and transitory social connection, however, these fans have continued to stay in communication, centered on their common interest (Suzuki 2002).

Media Literacy Programs

In addition to the culture of digital media production that has been flourishing on the mobile and PC-based Internet, Japan has been home to a several important media literacy programs that seek to support digital media production in educational settings.

From 2001 to 2006, The University of Tokyo Graduate School of Interdisciplinary Information Studies has been the home to the MELL (Media Expression, Learning, and Literacy) ProjectThis project is one of the largest projects in Japan dealing with media literacy, and has functioned as an umbrella for a wide range of media literacy efforts. The early participants in the MELL project included Sociologist Shin Mizukoshi, educational researcher Yuhei Yamauchi, public television producer Katsumi Ichikawa, journalist Akiko Sugaya, and high school educator Naoya Hayashi. The project was led by these five, bur also included 80 members comprised of researchers, graduate students, media professionals, teachers, NPOs and community organizations across the country, as well as 4-500 supporters who subscribed to the MELL email list.

With the adoption of digital media, there was the potential for citizens to actively participate in media rather than simply consuming mass media. The MELL project was developed based on the idea of having people make their own media while simultaneously building new networks and organizations for media making. Mizukoshi used the ecological term “media biotope” (link to Japanese page) to describe his effort to support participatory community media. A biotope is sphere optimized for certain organisms to inhabit. His idea was to create a fertile ground for a variety of different trees to grow, and to challenge the media environment that had become blanketed exclusively by cypress. Mizukoshi writes, “Just as it is critical for humans as organisms to have access to diverse ecologies, it is critical for humans as social beings to have access to diverse media ecologies.”

For example, one project under the MELL umbrella is the Civic Media Sapporo project, which supports local civic journalism. The project has supported citizens of Sapporo to develop community FM radio that was broadcast over the Internet, and has sponsored mdia workshops for elementary students to experience journalism. Another example is the Hacker’s Café, a weekly gathering where people can come by with their laptops to create and share technology hacks with one another.

References

Endo, Kaoru (遠藤薫) Ed. 2004.『インターネットと「世論」形成』東京電機大学出版局.

Hamano, Satoshi (濱野智史). 2008.『アーキテクチャの生態系』NTT出版.

Miller, Laura. 2005. “Bad Girl Photography.” In Bardsley, Miller, Ed. Bad Girls of Japan. Palgrave Macmillan.

Mizukoshi, Shin. http://mellnomoto.com/text/essay/2001/11/post_2.html >メディア・ビオトープのすすめ：マスメディア中心から新しいメディアの生態系へ構造改革 .

Okabe, Daisuke, Mizuko Ito, Aico Shimizu and Jan Chipchase. 2009.. “Purikura as a Social Management Tool.” In Gerard Goggin and Larissa Hjorth Eds., Mobile Technologies: From Telecommunications to Media. New York: Routledge.

Sugiura, Yumiko (杉浦由美子). 2007.『ケータイ小説のリアル』中公新書.

Suzuki, Kensuke (鈴木謙介). 2002.『暴走するインターネット』イーストプレス.

Tanimura, Kaname (谷村要). 2008.「インターネットを媒介とした集合行為によるメディア表現活動のメカニズム：「ハレ晴レユカイ」ダンス「祭り」の事例から」No.85, pp69-81.

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part IV: New Media Production

As I have stated in my earlier posts, few researchers have delved into the uses of digital media in Ghana. This is even more obvious in the case of media production (and gaming, see next post). This may be attributed to the poor digital infrastructure and access levels, as well as low literacy levels. On the other hand, preoccupations with affordable communication with local and diasporic kinship networks, and/or pursuing foreign tickets out of the country, may be the primary forces shaping the structure of digital media use.

I’m certain there are pockets of activity, however these have not been captured empirically. Afrigator’s list of top ranked blogs shows 115 blogs (on a variety of topics) for Ghana, of which the top two are Ethan Zuckerman’s blog on life in Accra and David Ajao’s blog on telecommunications and related issues in Africa.

Top Ten Ghana blogs
1. My heart’s in Accra
2. Oluniyi David Ajao
3. Nubian Cheetah
4. Koranteng’s Toli
5. Accra by Day & Night
6. Wo Se Ekyir: What Your Mamma never told you about Ghana
7. The Trials and Tribulations of A Freshly-Arrived Denizen
8. Annansi Chronicles
9. Ramblings of a Procrastinator in Accra
10 Odzangba Kafui Dake’s blog
Source: http://afrigator.com/blogstats/countryblogs/Ghana/page/1

The 2008 national election in Ghana seems to have generated some journalist and citizen media activity in the digital realm. Ethan Zuckerman observes a surprising number of political videos during this period, including informational, man-on-the-street interviews, advertisements and videos monitoring activity at polling stations. These materials are however, mostly the work of journalists and news houses, rather than grassroots productions. Twitter was apparently the medium of choice for several voters wishing to comment on their experience. Political organizations such as the African Elections project also used Twitter as a communication tool during the elections (Serra, 2008).

Source: http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/

The proliferation of mobile telephones does not appear to have led to any particularly prominent media production trends. Televisions stations have facilitated citizen participation through invitations to mobile phone users to express their opinions on a variety of questions via text messaging.

Text messages on TV3, November 12, 2006, by Araba Sey

As with internet research, the area of new media production would benefit from much more research.

References
Serra, E. V. (December 8, 2008). Twittering the Ghanaian election. Global voices. http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/.