Futures of Learning

Ghana

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part I: An Introduction

Fishing canoe in Prampram. Photo by Araba Sey, December 19, 2006

As in most African countries, discussions of digital media technologies in Ghana are usually located in the discourse on socio-economic development and digital divides. In the case of Ghana, not only is there an expressed desire to facilitate human development within its borders, but also to become the digital technology hub of the region (Republic of Ghana, 2003). For this to happen would require a dramatic change in the current ICT infrastructure, and the emergence of an active community of users with both the ability and capacity to act at the cutting edge of technology. From the policy angle, the government has outlined a framework – the ICT for Accelerated Development Policy – for fostering this environment. The policy states as its objective, “to: accelerate Ghana’s socio-economic development process towards the realization of the vision to transfrom Ghana into a high income economy and society that is predominantly information-rich and knowledge-based within the next two to three decades or less” (Republic of Ghana, 2003, p.14). One of the challenges highlighted in the policy is that of turning the youthful population into an asset for growth. Alongside this is a perception within the general population that digital information and communication technologies represent a threat to the nation’s socio-cultural structure particularly in their potential to expose young people to alternative lifestyles. It is interesting, therefore, to observe actual developments on the ground, particularly the digital habits of the youth.

Demographics

As of 2007, Ghana had a population of 23million with an approximately 50/50 rural-urban split (CIA world factbook, 2009). The population is relatively young – about 60% are below the age of 25 years, and about 5% above 65 years – fueling a deep sense of the role of the youth in fostering national development (Republic of Ghana, 2003). This goal is hampered by high illiteracy rates (47%, US Department of State, 2009), high secondary school dropout rates (half of secondary school entrants do not make it to the senior level) and high poverty levels (40% of population below the $1 poverty level, Republic of Ghana, 2003).

Technology adoption and use

Levels of digital technology use amongst the general Ghanaian population are limited by the sparseness of the existing infrastructure, although significant strides have been made in recent years (fueled by industry deregulation and restructuring). Ghana was one of the first African countries to get connected to the Internet in 1989/90. For most internet users, public venues (mainly internet cafés and telecenters) are the primary source of access – the cost of shared access has continued to decline making this the most cost-effective option for the population. Until the mid 2000s, residential broadband lines were virtually nonexistent. Though generally priced out of the reach of most residents, there are now several companies offering broadband and wireless internet access packages to households. In 2007 there were 16,200 broadband subscribers; 23, 400 internet subscribers; 880,000 internet users in the country (ITU, 2009). While internet cafés are the primary source of Internet access, telephones are by far the main means of communication. The fixed line infrastructure is poor – as at 2007 there was just over one fixed line per 100 inhabitants. The deficiency has been filled by mobile telephony which reportedly stands at 12 million subscriptions (Wireless Federation, 2009), a penetration rate of over 50%. Amongst digital media in Ghana, mobile phones have probably received the most attention from researchers and journalists in recent times, arising from the innovative ways in which users are adapting this particular technology to their everyday needs. Even so, compared to the work that has been done in other regions, there is a relatively limited amount of literature on the use of digital technologies in Ghana.

In my next blog posts I will discuss trends in new media development and practice in context of the relatively low access levels, national socio-economic goals, and the limited existence of empirical research on digital media practices in Ghana. I look forward to your comments and feedback! 

References

CIA (2009). CIA world factbook. Available at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gh.html.
ITU. (2009). ITU statistics. Available at http://www.itu.int.
Republic of Ghana (2003). Ghana ICT for Accelerated Development [ICT4AD] Policy. Available at http://www.ict.gov.gh. 
US Department of State. (March 2009). Background Note: Ghana. Available at http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2860.htm.
Wireless Federation. (2009). Ghana’s mobile suscriber base totals 12Mn at Jan’09-end. Available at http://wirelessfederation.com/news/14781-ghanas-mobile-subscriber-base-totals-12mn-at-jan09-end/.

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part II: Mobile Phones

Mobile phones owned by 1. Fisherman, 2. Student, 3. Carpenter. Photos by Araba Sey, 2006.

“Taxing mobile phone usage will kill romance stone dead!” (Cameron Duodu, New Times Online, November 27, 2007).

In a November 2007 newspaper column, Cameron Duodu lambasts the government of Ghana for proposing an excise duty on every minute of airtime use, thereby increasing the cost of mobile phone communication.
“Forget about warm greetings. Forget about endearments. If it’s a lady you’re calling, just demand to know whether she’s coming tonight or not. Forget about the difficulty she said she was experiencing about getting an appointment fixed with her hair-dresser and the emotional support you can offer her by sympathising with her plight. That’s none of your business. Don’t ask her whether the seamstress finished her dress or whether she was again told to go and come. Don’t ask her whether the fitters charged her car battery very well this time. Go straight to the point and forget the telephone-lovie business. No more telephonic foreplay for you, you hear?!” In other words, Kwadwo Baah-Wiredu, what you have done is that you’ve killed romance stone dead in Ghana with your airtime tax! You will go down in history as the Finance Minister who reintroduced lack of communication between Ghanaian men and their female paramours” he continues.

Although the controversial law was eventually passed in March 2008, Duodu warns, “make no mistake about it, mobile phones have made a great deal of difference to the lives of our ordinary folks and anyone who attempts to discourage their blossoming will be severely punished by them, come an election.” Whether these predictions materialize remains to be seen – the next national elections will be in 2012, and mobile phone subscriptions show no sign of declining – but Duodu’s lament points to the growing centrality of mobile phone communication in Ghana. 

There has been an astounding increase in mobile phone subscriber numbers since 2005 (see chart below), even taking into account the distortion in statistics resulting from multiple SIM card ownership (James & Versteeg, 2007; Sutherland, 2009). No longer the purview of the wealthy, high and low-end mobile phones are being accessed and used by people from all walks of life, and are increasingly being considered indispensable. An interview respondent describing to me how it felt to lose her mobile phone stated that until she got a replacement, she felt like a part of herself was missing.[ii]

Sources: Ghana National Communications Authority, International Telecommunications Union.

Journalistic commentary, news reports and anecdotes make up the bulk of the litereature on the social side of mobile phone use in Ghana. The academic literature has focused mainly on issues surrounding telecommunications policy and regulation, which have been instrumental in opening up the mobile phone market, an important precursor to social appropriation of the technology. We can also find a few studies examining types and levels of usage in a general way (Bertolini, 2002; Fremppong, 2004; McKemey et al, 2003) and mobile phone uses in commercial activities (Boadi & Shaik, 2006; Boadi et al, 2007; Overå, 2006). A few have attempted to delve into the social dynamics of usage trends (Sey, 2008; Slater & Kwami, 2005).

The push for ICT-facilitated national development has manifested in a number of deliberate and emergent systems designed to capitalize on the mobile communication platform. Entrepreneurial mobile phone subscribers have turned their phones into payphone access points (Boadi & Shaik, 2006; Sey 2008), not just for non-subscribers, but also for opportunistic users, a development that became an eye-opener for network service providers and arguably drove a period of industry innovations to reduce the cost of mobile phone airtime (particularly the introduction of electronic micro airtime transfers). More deliberate attempts can be seen in ventures such as Tradenet, an SMS-based price information service introduced by Busy Internet cafe to facilitate linkages between sellers and potential trading partners.

Mobile payphone, Tema, by Araba Sey, 2006.

In general, the results from studies of commercial uses of mobile phones show that cost reduction and the benefits derived from convenient communication channels are the primary drivers of mobile phone adoption amongst groups such as farmers and fishermen (Abbisath, 2005; Boadi et al, 2007) and traders (Overå, 2006). This is strongly tied to the informal business economy in which the demands of an uncertain economic environment, high transaction costs and building relationships of trust are paramount. The commercial benefits are somewhat constrained, especially by inadequate transportation infrastructure and poor wireless network coverage in some areas. And as others such as Donner (2006) have found elsewhere on the continent, the primary utility of this type of communication seems to be more for the strengthening/maintenance of existing networks than for the creation of new associations.

Slater and Kwami (2005) have noted that mobile phones appear to play a very particular social role in Ghanaian society – they provide the means for users to manage local embedded relationships.[iii] Whether examining social, economic or political uses of mobile phones (in as much as they are seperable), this finding by Slater and Kwami shows some validity – the evidence, though limited, suggests that managing relationships, near and afar, is a high priority (McKemey et al, 2003; Overå, 2006). Contrary to global (and national) expectations that mobile phones would be used explicitly for business activities, social networking tends to be the dominant use, in particular for making rather than receiving calls, and for maintaining links with family and friends (Bertolini, 2002; McKemey et al, 2003). On the other hand, through these same processes, mobile phones play a role in facilitating the remittance economy (e.g., McKemey et al, 2003; Slater & Kwami, 2005), a significant element of poverty reduction in developing countries. Both Slater and Kwami (2005) and McKemey et al (2003) have also found a prevalence of mobile phone use for coordinating funeral activity. My own research in Ghana during 2006 and 2007 supports this view of largely social uses. Coupled with the relatively high cost of communicating for people living close to or below the poverty line, this leads to particular configurations of mobile phone use to manage, control and share the cost of maintaining social relationships (often with economic underpinnings). This consists of strategic use of personal mobile phones to only receive calls, and supplementing a combination of other practices – e.g., flashing (generating missed calls), text messaging, using payphones - to meet ongoing communication needs. These are not unusual findings, though; even the wealthy adopt measures to control cost when necessary. Nevertheless, users have demonstrated innovativeness in adapting mobile telephony to their needs through “smart consumption” (Alhassan, 2004).

One practice that has generated significant attention is generating missed calls or “flashing.” As in other developing countries where this practice is common, Ghanaians flash for a variety of reasons – to get a return call, send a pre-coded message, or just for fun. This is such a popular practice that the term “flashing units” (the minimum amount of airtime required to generate a voice call) has made its way into the lexicon of mobile telephony in Ghana. Flashing definitely has a light side, but it also reflects and reproduces power relationships where flashing is based on perceptions of the recipient’s economic superiority and therefore greater capacity to bear the cost of a phone call (Donner, 2007; Pelckmans, 2009). Another less obvious dimension of power here is the struggle between network providers and users, as flashing is employed to essentially use network capacity free of charge (Sey, 2008), an example of hostile user behavior as framed by Bar, Pisani and Weber (2007) - users try to make maximum use of this opportunity, while networks seek ways to make users place actual calls.

Since cost plays so high in usage levels, I have also found limited use of advanced mobile phone features, partly due to cost, partly due to lack of bandwidth. Younger users do favor downloading and sharing ringtones, wallpaper, and music – there is a growing local production industry for this material. Due to low literacy levels, text messaging is less prevalent than voice calls, however, those who do use this feature tend to be high intensity users. The recent introduction of 3.5 services by Zain and MTN Ghana in late 2008/early 2009 (Struthers-Watson, 2008; Wireless Federation, 2009) points to an expectation of increasing demand for platforms that can support higher levels of multimedia activity. As happened with the initial introduction of mobile phones, active use of 3.G services is likely to first become evident in the business and high-income populations; with local appropriations following if/when lower-income populations find ways around the high usage costs. Indeed one Ghanaian scholar, Amos Anyimadu has suggested that in a low literacy environment such as Ghana’s, multimedia mobile communication may be the most efficacious way to facilitate communication with and by the general populace.[iv]

There is some evidence that mobile phone acquisition and use fuels certain gender stereotypes. Women are considered notorious for requiring the newest mobile phone models from their romantic partners, and rightly or wrongly, this belief usually tags young unemployed women who own mobile phones as disreputable (Sey, 2008; Slater & Kwami, 2005). On the other hand, anecdotes circulate about young men who pretend to be speaking on a fake (toy) mobile phone, or who carry mobile phones that are inoperable (Alhassan (2004) or that they cannot afford to load with airtime, all in efforts to impress both female and male counterparts. Or, as Alhassan (2004) concludes, this type of behavior represents attempts to participate by simulation in digital consumption. These dynamics are also played out in expectations of flashing behavior involving opposite sexes. Alhassan (2004) notes a gender dimension to flashing with males being more likely to be the recipients of flashes. Flashing may indeed be “women’s work,” especially in romantic situations where males who flash females may be considered “cheap” and unworthy suitors, but there are other factors such as friendship that moderate gendered flashing (Sey, 2008).

Similar to the situation described by Heather in her posts on Brazil, the high value attached to mobile phones in Ghana has resulted in related crimes - mobile phone theft (labeled “mobile phone snatching” because they are usually stolen by simply snatching them from a user’s hand), some involving murder; and a thriving black market in handsets stolen locally or abroad. According to the deputy director of police public affairs in Accra, the number of mobile phone snatching cases reported increased from 209 in 2004 to 417 in 2005 (BBC, 2006). Fear of personal loss and physical injury has constrained most people from making public displays of their mobile phones.

Endnotes

i. This strategy was designed to overcome the problems associated with collecting duties on mobile phone imports. Instead, the import duty and value-added-tax would be abolished in favor of a tax on users. The law was passed in March 2008 despite protests from users and network service providers.
ii. Fieldwork, Ghana, 2006.
iii.  They contrast this with the use of the Internet for “the realization of the ideal (foreign) relationship (p.12).
iv. Personal communication – comments made at a conference on mobile telephony in Accra, 2006.

References

Abissath, M. K. (2005). Mobile phone: A tool for modern fishermen in Ghana. Available at http://www.nextbillion.net/news/mobile-phone-a-tool-for-modern-fishermen-in-ghana.

Alhassan, A. (2004). Development communication policy and economic fundamentalism in Ghana. Unpublished dissertation, Univeristy of Tampere.

Bar, F., Pisani, F. & Weber, M. (2007). Mobile technology appropriation in a distant mirror: baroque infiltration, creolization and cannibalism. Prepared for discussion at Seminario sobre Desarrollo Económico, Desarrollo Social y Comunicaciones Móviles en América Latina. Convened by Fundación Telefónica in Buenos Aires, April 20-21, 2007. http://arnic.info/Papers/Bar_Pisani_Weber_appropriation-April07.pdf.

BBC. (May 7, 2006). Following Ghana’s mobile thieves. Accessed May 30, 2006 at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/4977898.stm.

Bertolini, R. (2002). Telecommunication services in sub-Saharan Africa. An analysis of access and use in the Southern Volta Region in Ghana. Development Economics and Policy, 26. Stuttgart: Peter Lang Verlag.

Boadi, R. A., Boateng, R., Hinson, R., & Opoku, R. A. (2007). Preliminary insights into m-commerce adoption in Ghana. Information Development, 23(4), 253-265

Boadi R. A., & Shaik, A. G. (2006). Mcommerce breakthrough in developing countries. The role of m-commerce in wealth creation and economic growth in developing countries. Unpublished Masters thesis, Luleå University of Technology.

Donner, J. (2006). The use of mobile phones by microentrepreneurs in Kigali, Rwanda: Changes to social and business networks. Information Technologies and International Development, 3(2), 3-19.

Donner, J. (2007). The rules of beeping: Exchanging messages via intentional “missed calls” on mobile phones. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(1), article 1. http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol13/issue1/donner.html.

Duodu, C. (November 27, 2007). Taxing mobile phone usage will kill romance stone dead! New Times Online. Accessed at http://www.newtimesonline.com/content/view/12637/267/.

Frempong, G. (2004). Restructuring of the telecommunication sector in Ghana: Experiences and policy implications. Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, University of Ghana.

James, J., & Versteeg, M.  (2007). Mobile phones in Africa. How much do we really know? Social Indicators Research, 84, 117-126.

Overå, R. (2005). Networks, distance, and trust: Telecommunications development and changing trading practices in Ghana. World Development, 34(7), 1301-1315.

Pelckmans, L. (2009). Phoning anthropologists: the mobile phone’s (re)shaping of anthropological research. In M. de Bruijn, F. Nyamnjoh, & I. Brinkman (Eds.), Mobile phones: The new talking drums of everyday Africa, (pp. 23-49). Langaa RPCIG.

Sey, A. (2008). Mobile communication and development: A study of mobile phone appropriation in Ghana. Unpublished dissertation. University of Southern California.

Slater, D. & Kwami, J. (2005). Embeddedness and escape: Internet and mobile use as poverty reduction strategies in Ghana. ISRG Working Paper, 4. http://civilsociety.developmentgateway.org/uploads/media/civilsociety/internet.pdf.

Struthers-Watson, K. (December 30, 2008). Zain launches 3.5G network in Ghana. Available at http://www.telecommagazine.com/article.asp?HH_ID=AR_4680.

Sutherland, E. (2009). Counting customers, subscribers and mobile phone numbers. info, 11(2), 6-23.

Wireless Federation. (January 29, 2009). MTN Ghana instigates 3.5G technology. Available at http://wirelessfederation.com/news/14217-mtn-ghana-instigates-35g-technology/.

The Economist. (January 25, 2007). Buy, cell, hold. Available at http://www.markdavies.net/press/economist/jan25_07.htm.

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part III: The Internet

Inside BusyInternet cafe, by Aluetia

The high cost of personal computers and residential internet access puts private access out the reach of most Ghanaians. Thus, internet cafés are the primary means of access to the internet for most of the population. These shared access venues are also concentrated in urban areas. ITU statistics estimate that there were about 880,000 internet users (3.8% of the population) in Ghana by the end of 2008, but it’s not clear how over or underestimated this is considering the high use of shared access. In 2001, Southwood suggested that the then estimate of 1 million cyber-cafés was probably an exaggeration. Bruce, Engman & Yador (2004) believed that there were 20,000 private and corporate subscribers and as many as 1million internet users in 2004.

Notwithstanding the low access levels, media reports point to bustling business for internet café owners – evidenced in headlines such as “the cybercafe craze” (Daily Graphic, 2003). Access points range from small microentrepreneurial outfits with a handful of computers using dialup connections, to large enterprises equipped with up to 100 computers and high-speed internet access. The majority is located in the capital city, Accra, attracting anywhere from 10 to 1500 patrons a day (Daily Graphic, 2003). 

While there are several tales, and some research, illustrating the application (or projects attempting application) of the internet to business and community development, indications are that for a significant proportion of users, the internet represents an “escape” mechanism (Slater & Kwami, 2005) both literally and metaphorically. This deduction is based mainly on observations of internet café users in Accra; there does not appear to be much research or even journalistic commentary, on the character of internet use at work or in the home by those who have such access. Nor has there been much examination of internet use outside the Greater Accra region. Sending emails, finding and communicating with “penpals”, applying to schools abroad, watching movies, listening to music, and playing games have been found to be primary acitivities at internet cafés (Alhassan, 2004; Burrell, 2009; Daily Graphic, 2003; Slater & Kwami, 2005). In particular, the aspiration to find avenues out of the local economy seems to drive internet-based activities. Alhassan (2004, p.197) states, “about three of every four students who surfed the web, explored avenues of leaving the country,” and Mark Davies, founder of the largest internet café in the country is quoted as saying of BusyInternet users, “four our of five are trying to find ways to get out of Ghana” (Zachary, 2002, p.72). Internet activity is thus infused with desires to connect to (often random) foreigners in the hope that the relationships developed online will provide a path to greener pastures abroad – invitations to visit, marriage proposals, visa assistance, physical cash etc (Alhassan, 2004; Burrell, 2009; Slater & Kwami, 2005; Zachary, 2002). Some do this through information-seeking (e.g., on educational opportunities); others focus on communication channels such as chatting, instant messaging, and social network sites. Furthermore, some of these endeavours are well-meant whilst others are elaborate scams designed to dupe gullible contacts (see section on cyber fraud below). In this sense, Slater and Kwami (2005) frame internet use in Ghana as a poverty reduction strategy aimed at the realization of idealized foreign relationships, while Burrell characterizes it as providing the ability to “migrate virtually” (2009). Likewise, Tettey (2006) describing cybersexual activity in Ghana concludes that female youth’s participation in the online sex trade, sometimes unwittingly, is often an economic redress, but also illustrates ingenuity in dealing with economic hardship. On the more positive side, Borzekowski, Fobil & Asante (2006) found that a significant proportion (53%) of respondents in their study of teenagers used the internet as a source of health information, amongst other things. 

“Sakawa,” “419” (Cyber fraud)

Known locally as “sakawa” or “419,” cyber fraud is a particularly problematic phonomenon that now has Ghana ranked as number two in notoriety, and several North American merchants blocking e-commerce transactions from Ghana (Harvey, 2009; Kwablah, 2009; Nelson, 2009). Scams include making online purchases with stolen credit cards, online dating scams, inviting contacts to participate in mutually beneficial money transfers, etc. Internet dating scams have become so prevalent that user help sites such as the one illustrated below (DelphiFAQ.com) and eHarmony blog have emerged all over the internet. The US embassy in Ghana reportedly receives up to 15 calls a week from American victims of online dating scams (Seacoast Online, 2009).

http://www.delphifaq.com/faq/russian_marriage_scams/f1369.shtml?p=68

According to a report on Myjoyonline (2009), the perpetrators are usually young men between the ages of 7 and 30, typically known as “café boys.” Interestingly, in addition to noting the negative side of cyber crime, this report identifies a number of actual and potential benefits including development of computer skills, stabilization of the local currency as a result of remittances, fewer youth engaging in criminal activity on the streets, redistibution of wealth, and patronage of internet café and ISP services. Burrell (2009) explains that the social construction of the internet as a space for wealth acquisition perpetuates futile attempts by internet café users to tap into this source through internet scams. Rumors of the fortunes of successful scammers fuel other perpetrators who, while unsuccessful, and even with no direct knowledge of anyone who has been successful, continue to pursue and expend resources on this path.

Alexa.com (2009) data shows two local content sites amongst the top 10 websites visited in Ghana (Ghana Web, a news portal and My Joy Online, a local FM radio station).
1. Yahoo!
2. Google (Ghana version of search engine)
3. Facebook
4. Windows Live
5. YouTube
6. Ghana Web
7. Microsoft Network (MSN)
8. hi5
9. Wikipedia
10. My Joy Online

Google now offers a Ghana version of its search engine, although it is does not presently provide any unique capabilities for Ghanaian users (Ajao, 2008). The language barrier to broader use of the internet is also potentially being lowered by the introduction of vernacular translations of the same search engine.

Clearly, the field for research on new media practices in Ghana is wide open. The limited (published) work done in Accra paints a picture that even if accurate, may not represent user behavior across the country.

References

Ajao, O.D. (April 10, 2008). Announcing Google Ghana. Accessed May 9 2009 at http://www.davidajao.com/blog/2008/04/10/announcing-google-ghana/.

Alexa.com. (2009). Top 100 websites in Ghana. Accessed April 24, 2009 at http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/GH.

Borzekowski, D. L. G.; Fobil, J. N.; & Asante, K. O. (2006). Online access by adolescents in Accra: Ghanaian teens’ use of the internet for health information. Developmental Psychology, 42(3), 450-458.

Bruce, C., Engmann, P., & Yador, J. (2004). ICT infrastructure and research priorities of Ghanaian research institutions. CTN/Techgov. Accessed January 15, 2008 at http://www.ghanacybergroup.com/research/getres.asp?MC=RE&cat=4&id=15.

Burrell, J. (2009). User agency in the middle: Rumors and reinvention of the internet in Accra, Ghana. Unpublished draft. Cited with permission of author.

Daily Graphic. (February 26, 2003). The cybercafe craze. Available at http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/artikel.php?ID=33323. 

Harvey, F. (2009). Internet crime in Ghana. Accessed March 15 at http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/281030/internet_crime_in_ghana.html?cat=17.

Kwablah, E. (February 17, 2009). Cyber crime: giving a bad name to Ghana. Business and Financial Times. Accessed May 4, 2009 at http://ghanabusinessnews.com/2009/02/17/cyber-crime-giving-a-bad-name-to-ghana/.

Myjoyonline. (March 3, 2009). Feature: Curbing cyber fraud: The way forward. Accessed March 19 at http://topics.myjoyonline.com/features/200903/27001.asp.

Nelson, N. B. (January 14, 2009). Ghana internet faud on the increase in Accra. Accessed May 4 at http://allafrica.com/stories/200901140783.html.

Seacoast Online. (April 5, 2009). Online dating scams on the rise in the U.S. Accessed April 5, 2009 at http://archive.seacoastonline.com/news/11052006/nhnews-05SUN-net-theft.html.

Southwood, R. (2001). Black star rising? – Special report direct from Ghana. Balancing Act, 82. Available at http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/back/balancing-act_82.html.

Tettey, W. (2006). Globalization, the economy of desire, and cybersexual activity among Ghanaian youth. Studies in Political Economy, 77, 33-55.

Zachary, P. (2002). Ghana’s digital dilemma. Technology Review, 105, 66-73.

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part IV: New Media Production

As I have stated in my earlier posts, few researchers have delved into the uses of digital media in Ghana. This is even more obvious in the case of media production (and gaming, see next post). This may be attributed to the poor digital infrastructure and access levels, as well as low literacy levels. On the other hand, preoccupations with affordable communication with local and diasporic kinship networks, and/or pursuing foreign tickets out of the country, may be the primary forces shaping the structure of digital media use.

I’m certain there are pockets of activity, however these have not been captured empirically. Afrigator’s list of top ranked blogs shows 115 blogs (on a variety of topics) for Ghana, of which the top two are Ethan Zuckerman’s blog on life in Accra and David Ajao’s blog on telecommunications and related issues in Africa.

Top Ten Ghana blogs
1. My heart’s in Accra
2. Oluniyi David Ajao
3. Nubian Cheetah
4. Koranteng’s Toli
5. Accra by Day & Night
6. Wo Se Ekyir: What Your Mamma never told you about Ghana
7. The Trials and Tribulations of A Freshly-Arrived Denizen
8. Annansi Chronicles
9. Ramblings of a Procrastinator in Accra
10 Odzangba Kafui Dake’s blog
Source: http://afrigator.com/blogstats/countryblogs/Ghana/page/1

The 2008 national election in Ghana seems to have generated some journalist and citizen media activity in the digital realm. Ethan Zuckerman observes a surprising number of political videos during this period, including informational, man-on-the-street interviews, advertisements and videos monitoring activity at polling stations. These materials are however, mostly the work of journalists and news houses, rather than grassroots productions. Twitter was apparently the medium of choice for several voters wishing to comment on their experience. Political organizations such as the African Elections project also used Twitter as a communication tool during the elections (Serra, 2008).

Source: http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/

The proliferation of mobile telephones does not appear to have led to any particularly prominent media production trends. Televisions stations have facilitated citizen participation through invitations to mobile phone users to express their opinions on a variety of questions via text messaging.

Text messages on TV3, November 12, 2006, by Araba Sey

As with internet research, the area of new media production would benefit from much more research.

References
Serra, E. V. (December 8, 2008). Twittering the Ghanaian election. Global voices. http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/.

New Media Production in Ghana, Part V: Gaming

Gaming is a completely unexplored area in Ghana. Other than two instances of Ghanaians trying to develop computer games, there is little information on this topic. In the first case, the founders of Leti Games, based in Ghana, announced in early 2009 that they had developed a game – Bugzvilla – for the iPhone (http://whiteafrican.com/2009/03/24/iphone-and-computer-game-development-in-africa/). The developers indicated that the game would be available on iTunes in April. As at May 11, however, I could not find it in the iTunes App Store. A visit to the company website shows no active links and the message, “We’ll be back.”

Another Ghanaian, in response to the assertion that a game created by a Kenyan programmer was possibly the first 3D game in Africa shot back a response noting that he had developed the first such game as a final school project, which had won a competition in 2006 (http://www.ghanathink.org/blog/2006/11/1gtpc06-we-have-a-winner). It does not appear that the game went into production. 

Some mobile phone users report playing games on their phones, especially when bored (Sey, 2008), but the extent of this is unknown. Clearly, issues surrounding actual adoption and use of computer games within the Ghanaian population remain to be investigated or at least documented.

New Media Practices in Ghana, Part VI: Conclusion

The reality of the digital divide in all its forms so dominates the landscape in Africa that the majority of scholarship on digital technologies in this region tends to focus on issues of national policy and access. Only recently have researchers on Ghana began to branch into explorations of usage trends. In this literature review I have attempted to pull together the work of these researchers. The existing evidence tells a very limited story about patterns of digital media use in Ghana. This story is largely based in southern Ghana (if not just the capital city, Accra), and on a limited variety of user behaviors in internet cafes and on mobile phones. In particular there is a dearth of data on new media production and gaming activity. There is of course other activity going on, particularly ICT for development efforts led by non-governmental organizations - these have not been the focus of my analysis (although in most cases these are new initiatives that are yet to exhibit results, or older ones whose current status is unclear).

Such as it is, a few themes are evident in the literature - the association of the internet with the potential for quick economic gains, leading to varying degrees of criminal or unethical behavior; the emergence of “smart consumption” practices to mitigate the high cost of mobile phone communication; and what appears to be a clear separation of expectations and approaches to internet and telephone communication. The internet points users outwards, to potentially greener pastures in advanced economies, while telephones ground users in their local context, keeping them linked to social and economic resources that are more readily accessible. Perhaps the one commonality is that both vehicles are in practice communication more so than information-seeking tools. Arguably, it will take overcoming affordability barriers; a critical mass of locally relevant content; as well as a shift in the sense of hopelessness, especially amongst the youth, to nurture different patterns of use.

This is the last in our series of posts on new digital media practices. I hope you have enjoyed our excursions to China, Korea, India, Brazil, Japan and Ghana, demonstrating the unique characteristics of digital media user behaviors in very different socio-cultural contexts.