Futures of Learning

If mobile phones are the driving force of the convergent media culture in Korea, then Eomjijok, the Korean version of ‘Thumb Tribe,’ is behind the wheel. Early global youth mobile phone studies have showed that youth mobile phone culture, which is centered on the use of text message and play culture, redefined the mobile phone technology. Apparently, Korean youth mobile phone culture shares many traits to those in other mobile savvy countries. When the mobile phone was first introduced in 1999, it was mainly businessmen who adopted this new technology as an alternative communication tool (Kim, 2001). With the introduction of the text message, however, the mobile phone quickly became the icon of young people. Their swift texting skills and the use of idiosyncratic code languages became typical indicators to identify the Eomjijok. In fact, this notion of Thumb Tribe is popularly adopted throughout East Asia –across China, Korea, and Japan (Bell, 2005). It is hypothesized that the original Japanese coinage of Oyayubisoku (‘Thumb Tribe’) traveled to Korea and was translated as Eomjijok.

Eomjijok & Thumbelinas

Indeed, Eomjijok, is another name of N generation and Digital Sinillyu. Hence, most discussions in early days of the mobile phone focus on their distinctive cultural identity and significance for the transformation in Korean society (Kim, 2005; Kim, 2005; Choi et al, 2005). On the one hand, young people’s quick adoption of mobile phones was interpreted as the reflection of increasing desire to sustain individualism against traditionally collectivist Korean culture. Young people prefer the mobile phone because it allows informal, personal, and unregulated communication (Kwon & Choi, 2003). In that regards, exclusive text message culture of Eomjijok was considered a part of youth subculture (Park, 2000). However, young people’s excessive use of mobile phones was easily criticized as a symptom of addiction. In other cases, their mastery of this new technology presented subversive effects that might violate authorities and/or principles of the official educational system: as seen in the case of the notorious ‘college entrance cheating incident through SMS’ in 2004 (Sung et al, 2007). The massive scale of the incident and young people’s elaborate manipulation of the mobile phone for the crime generated the sensational scandal and stirred up social anxieties about the digital gap between generations. On the other hand, researches show that mobile phones reconfirm young people’s peer networks, which continues the traditional sociality and cultural identity rather than to encroach on them (Na, 2001). Yoon (2003, 2006) argues this ‘relation-oriented’ usage pattern of Korean youth demonstrates the localized practice of mobile phone use and challenges the general assumption on mobile phone as an individualistic technology.

If Eomjijok defined a newly emerged youth mobile phone culture, then the current young generation is born into mobile technology culture. As mobile phones evolve into convergent personal media in Korea, the popularity of the term Eomjijok is slowly fading out. Korean youth become savvy mobile phone users in the early stages of their life. According to the recent research report by KTF (2009), Korean adolescents (12-18) own their first mobile phone comparatively earlier than those in Japan, China, India, and Mexico (www.hani.co.kr). 80.6 percent of Korean adolescents have their own mobile phone (Japan, 77.3%, Mexico, 64%, China, 48.9, and India, 30.6%). Especially, Korea shows higher penetration rate in younger groups. 87.7 percent of 12 years old Korean adolescents already use mobile phones, which far surpasses other countries (Japan, 50%, Mexico, 45.1%, China, 27.7%, and India 11.6 %). In addition, what they care most about is ‘functions and designs’ of mobile phones. Interestingly, regarding their children’s mobile phone usage, Korean parents consider the (excessive) service charge first while parents in other countries express concern about possible exposure to inappropriate content (like adult content) through mobile phones.

Text message is still the most preferred mode of communication among Korean youth; but, the salient use of other mobile phone features - mobile phone imaging, sharing, and MMS messaging- is redefining the culture of Eomjijok (Lee, 2001; Lee et al, 2002; Lee, 2003). Recently, diverse multimedia content services such as ring tones, music files, video contents, games, and location-based services have become the favorite features for Korean youth (Kim, 2005). In particular, teenage girls appear to be more savvy consumers and active adoptors of these additional services. Studies show that there have been “major gender shifts through the usage of 3G mobile phone practices that have seen stereotypes such as female users as ‘passive’ and male users as ‘active’ dismantled” (Hjorth & Kim, 2005; 51). In general, women are “more active than men in their adaptability and willingness to adopt the multi-media functions of mobile phone” in Korea (Lee & Seun, 2004). Beginning with text messaging, Thumbellinas indeed shaped the way in which the mobile phone was appropriated as ‘affective digital technology.’ As girls play with ‘emotext’ (emoticon + Text) and ‘chatting’ among their peers, mobile phones serve to increase the sense of intimacy and belonging to their culture (Kim et al, 2006). It is also common for girls to use mobile phones as a ‘personal memory box,’ the object of emotional affection in and through which they store and share their pictures and/or various gift items (Kim & Lee, 2007). As observed in other countries, Korean girls are passionate about customizing their mobile phones and consider mobile phones as a tool to display their personal identities, much like a fashion accessory (Hjorth & Kim, 2005; Hjorth, 2008: Lee, 2004).

Mobile Screen

What is particularly unique about Korean youth mobile culture is the prevalent use of screen aspect of the mobile phone that parallels with developments in other mobile media. Most screen-based mobile media services target young people as their primary consumers. For example, 3G mobile multimedia content is a particular service added to meet and maximize the demands of young people. All three mobile operators in Korea have already put emphasis on the youth market sectors by offering specialized rate plans for college students (ages 18-23) and high school students (ages 13-18)(Castells, 2007). Therefore, Korean youth are comparatively more exposed to the latest mobile media service due to the highly segmented and customized service plans and innovative services designed especially for them.

In order to satisfy young people’s appetite, Korean mobile operators explored mobile-specific contents since 2002: SK Telecom’s mobile cinema series and mobile drama are good examples. In particular, Fives Stars (2004) is interesting in that it represents the entertainment business strategy to commercialize and appropriate digital youth culture, particularly, girls subculture (Ok, 2008). Fives Stars was advertised as the first ‘mobile interactive drama’ while simultaneously functioning as a multimedia entertainment project that included other auxiliary media projects such as Idol Boy bands, digital photography picture book, OST, music videos, and even mobile games. Premiering in October 2004, Five Stars set the record as the most popular original mobile drama produced in Korea as well as the 3rd most popular drama among all mobile video contents on SK Telecom’s network. It is reported that 75,000 users accessed its service for the first 15 days and more than 400,000 users have downloaded it. Most of all, its appeal originates from the fact that it adopted the popular Internet novel by Gwiyoni, a famous girl writer whose idiosyncratic writings generated syndrome since early 2000s. In fact, Gwiyoni syndrome represents young people’s increasing new media production in online space, which I will discuss in a subsequent post. In this way, Fives Stars demonstrates how new media technology – such as Internet and mobile phones – constructs the commercial, but yet alternative space for youth and vice versa.

Increasing popularity of PMP (portable media player) and convergent mobile media among youth people intensifies this trend toward the personal screen culture, driving young people, who already migrated to the online for media consumption, further away from conventional media. It is reported that 2,300,000 PMP (portable media player) were sold in 2007, surmounting the sales of TV sets at 2,100,000. Chung Seok-Won, Vice-President of Raincom, credits the dramatic increase of sales of PMP to the “frenzy of downloaded video clip such as American TV shows and UCC since the beginning of 2006”(www.chosun.com). Due to the comparatively high cost of purchasing these devices and accessing multimedia contents, young adults who are in their early twenties more actively engage with the mobile screen. They typically watch downloaded content (TV drama, animation, and movies) or TV broadcasting through the mobile TV service during their commute or down time (Ok, 2008).

It is not surprising that with the vigorous uptake of mobile screens, social anxieties about young people’s private consumption of media content without adults’ supervision have increased. Adult contents, which encompass semi-nude pictures of female star entertainers and erotic cartoons/novels, have proven to be the most profitable mobile video contents. It is acknowledged that from the early days of mobile content services, mobile adult contents have been condemned to be the most profitable yet shameful ‘gold mine’ for mobile phone service providers. It has also been the most visible target of heated public debate for its potential to damage and corrupt social customs, particularly for its presumed ‘bad’ influence on young people. In early 2005, the Commission on Youth Protection, a government agency, expanded its precautionary monitoring on the ‘potentially harmful content’ to mobile content service and urged mobile service providers to install appropriate screening systems in order to forbid children’s access to adults contents through such measure as ‘Special Mobile Service Contract for Youth Protection’. In June 2006, the Commission on Youth Protection filed a lawsuit against mobile service providers for transmitting ‘illegal pornographic content’. Eventually, after legal persecutions, SK Telecom declared the termination of all adult contents in July 2006.

Overall, Korean youth usages of mobile phones demonstrate that mobile phone technology allows young people to create an alternative space outside of their daily institutionalized environment.

References

English Sources

Bell, G. (2005). The Age of the Thumb: A Cultural Reading of Mobile Technologies from Asia. In P. Glotz & S. Bertschi (Eds.), Thumb Culture: Social Trends and Mobile Phone Use (pp. 67-87). Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag.

Castells, M. et al. (2007). Mobile Communication and Society: A Global Perspective. . Cambridge: MIT Press.

Kim, J. (2005). An Examination and Comparison of Mobile Phone Uses by Adolescents and Adults. Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 49(3), 262-386.

Kwon, I., & Choi, J. (2003). Understanding Youth Culture and Characteristics of Cellular Phone Communication in Korea. Studies on Korean Youth, 14(2), 81-118.

Hjorth, L. (2008). Being Real in the Mobile Reel: A Case Study on Convergent Mobile Media as Domesticated New Media in Seoul, South Korea. Convergence, 14(1), 91-104.

Hjorth, L., & Kim, H. (2005). Being There and Being Here: Gendered Customizing of 3G Mobile Practices – Through a Case Study in Seoul. Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 11, 49-55.

Lee, D. (2005). Women’s Creation of Camera Phone Culture. Fibreculture Journal, Mobility, New Social Intensities and the Coordinates of Digital Networks, (6). Retrieved September 2007 from http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue6/.

Lee, D., & Seun, H. (2004). Is There a Gender Difference in Mobile Phone Usage? In Proceedings of Mobile Communication and Social Change Conference. Seoul, Korea.

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Korean Sources

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Kim, M. (2005). Yidong Jeonhwareul Tonghan Eomeoni Noreutui Jesengsan (Reproduction of Mothering Role through Mobile Phone Use). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 49(4), 140-165.

Kim, S. (2001). Homotellephonicuseuui Deongjang: Yidongjeonhwa Hwaksaneui Yeonghyaneul Michin Sahyoemunhwajeok Yoine Gwanhan Yeongu (The Emergence of Homotelephonicus: The Study of Socio-cultural factors of the dissemination of Mobile Phone). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 45(2), 62-85.

Kim, Y., & Lee, J. (2006). Jeongseojeok Mediaroseoui Handphone: Sipdeyeoseongdeului Ilsangjeok Handphone Sayongeul Jungsimeuro (Handphone as Emotional Media: Focusing on the Teenage Girl’s Daily Use of Handphone). In D.H. Lee et al (Eds.), Mobile . Paju, Korea: Hanul Academy.

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Lim, S. et al. (2006). Sonyeodeului Handphone Nolyi (Girls’ Handphone Play). In D.H. Lee et al (Eds.), Mobile Girls @ digital.asia. Paju, Korea: Hanul Academy.

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Sung, Y., Park, H. W., & Park, S. (2006). Cheongsonyeuneui Newmedia Yiyonghyeunhwanggwa Munjejeom mit Deyeungbangan - Mobileeul Jungsimeuro- (New Media Use of Adolescents, Problems and Policies: With Focus on Mobile). Seoul; Korea: Korea Institute for Youth Development.